Guns and Races:A Proposal for Doctoral Research
By Hasini Haputhanthri
Department of Political Science
Lund University
Sweden
Abstract
Post-colonial Sri Lanka is defined by cyclical spurts of racial bloodshed, brutally crushed youth rebellions and a protracted war stymieing many attempts at peace. The increased militarization of public space not only hints at the gradual expansion of the military in terms of numbers but also its ascendance to political legitimacy and public adulation in Southern Sri Lanka. In the North the LTTE projects itself, not merely as a bunch of guerrillas but as a disciplined national army fighting occupying enemy forces (India included). The LTTE and the Government benefit from prevalent socio-economic structures of poverty and marginalization to draw youth into their ranks, in turn, unleashing a pervasive culture of violence perpetuating the war, which negates the development discourse and its bids at poverty alleviation. This paper ventures to analyse the precarious implications of the increased militarization of youth and national imagination. The paper underlines the matrix of poverty, political violence and militarization in terms of their effect on gendered and ethicized local identities, as well as culture and development from an interpretative approach.
Key Words: Militarization, Youth, Culture, Violence, Identity, Ethnicity, Development, Poverty, Gender, Sri Lanka
Background
Militarization of public space and imagination is not a Sri Lankan anomaly. It is a global trend among the perpetually threatened nation-states, wrought with the insecurity of modern age. Increasingly, the Military is identified as an integral part of the state, its strength a reason of national pride: the neat lines of a platoon at attention are as potent a symbol as a national flag drawing much reverence to its stripes and stars. Unfortunately (and inevitably) it has been the instrument of brutality and carnage, apparently serving humanity much less than propagating political greed and power-play. The U.S. Department of Defence is the largest polluter in the world, producing more hazardous waste than the five largest U.S. chemical companies combined[1] - a hint that the impacts of militarization are not merely socio-economic.
In South Asia, this global phenomenon is complemented with the memory of colonial exploitation, communalism and the creation of new nations craving self-assertion. In Sri Lanka, the model of parliamentary democracy – too simplistic for a population of ethnic diversity - concentrated power in the hands of a postcolonial elite who perpetuated the colonial stratagem of divide and rule to gain advantage of electoral politics. The growing tensions since independence have shaped the trajectory and image of its military forces – it has been ruthless in crushing two JVP resurrections in 1971 and 1988 and a number of communal riots culminating in civil war: Since 1983, official figures for loss of human lives range from 60, 000 to 70,000 of which about 30, 000 are considered to be civilians. Scholarly work point out that ‘[a] conflict over power and resources has resulted in a deep social divide, [where] ethno-mobilization plays a central role and civilians are increasingly the perpetrators and the victims of violence’[2].
During the course of two decades’ war, the soldier has become the common man’s hero, especially cast against the popular notion of ‘pilfering political leaders’ held responsible by the public for the country’s present circumstances[3]. A soldier seems devoid of dark ulterior motives. He, or at least his public image, resonates with courage, honesty and discipline. A popular song celebrates his ‘watchfulness over the nation while it sleeps’ and compares him to a ‘guardian deity’[4] while media channels air a prominent advertising campaign for a recruitment drive[5] of Sri Lanka Forces for free. Local communities display banners and slogans of solidarity with the forces in the battlefront and religious ceremonies are conducted to bless the forces. More recently, the Kotalawela Defence Academy was granted the status of a national university. The news of President Rajapaksa’s son joining the Navy made cover photographs[6].
At a national level, the defence budget has increased steadily over the years, consuming up to a 5% of GDP as against 1.8% committed to health and sanitation[7]. Pararajasingham speculates that the Government’s military expenditure was US $74 million in 1983. In 1996 it was well over US $842 million ¾ an eleven fold increase! Not surprisingly, this exponential growth in the military expenditure is accompanied by a growth in the size of its armed forces. The combined armed forces (army, navy and air force) of the Sri Lankan Government which stood at 15,000 in 1983 now stand at well over 106,000 - a seven fold increase[8]. Gamburd draws figures from 2000, estimating the LTTE cadres to range from 2000 – 10, 000. Estimates of men and women in the government forces and police totalled 225,000, with about 75,000 in the army, 25,000 each in the navy and air force, and another 100,000 in the police[9].
Research Area
Mayer notes that over the past three decades Sri Lankan youth have become the main force behind social unrest and violent insurgencies in the country[10]. With JVP’s entry into democratic politics in the South and LTTE’s remain as youth militant group in the North, the state has found convenient justifications in military counter insurgency and a modus operendi to growing unemployment among rural youth. Dissatisfaction and the frustration of the youth, especially educated rural youth, are already recognized as one of the major threats to the political stability in Sir Lanka. Even international agencies have identified youth as the most critical poverty group. In a spirited essay, Militarization or Democratization, Kadirgamar raises an interesting rhetoric:
The record of the State’s militarized institutions (armed forces, police and prisons) not only in terms of their brutality against the ethnic minorities, but also in how they dealt with Sinhala youth and dissent is a testament to the grave dangers posed to a society by any military. To support any army of a state that invades, colonizes and brutalizes a different people, though that is what most armies do, is to invite fire into ones own house. Here, I am not sure that those calling for militarization in the South have learned the lesson even after two rounds of horrifying repression. Now, I would like to turn to the more difficult question of Tamil militancy, national liberation struggles, insurrections and militarization… As an ethnic politico-military organization ruthlessly committed to its version of a national liberation struggle, [LTTE] has taken the peoples hostage through its path of militarization. This extreme militarization will not stop short of regimenting society. This is the second aspect of militarization, it leads to the control, ordering and disciplining of the people’s social and political life in a military fashion, or what I would like to call regimentation. (Kadirgamar, 2003)
The thesis hopes to explore this phenomenon of growing militarization of youth, its causes and consequences as well as its links to the rise of a culture of violence. It will also consider the implications of gender: Militarization entrenches gender performances and heteronormative schemes while enabling women to transgress these—whether as combatants or as sex workers. Tambiah notes that in Sri Lanka’s armed conflict, gender, sexuality, and sex work are intermeshed with militarized nationalism[11].
Methodology
The thesis plans to build on a critical interpretative study from an interdisciplinary perspective. It plans to generate new knowledge through qualitative interviews, supplemented by observations and text analysis. Sri Lanka has been chosen as a case study both because it is an interesting case in its own right and because it represents a larger global pattern.
Significance of Research
Although scholars and journalists have written extensively about Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict, most have focused on constitutional issues such as the devolution of power, humanitarian issues such as human rights and refugees, and identity-related issues of ethnicity and nationalism. Very few have contextualized the civil strife vis-à-vis the JVP struggle, paying little attention to the youth focus transcending ethnic lines. This research hopes to shed light upon this particular group – caught in militancy and militarization – and how they make life choices in a culture of intensifying violence and poverty. It will explore the mesh of militarization and its accompanying problems of death, desertion, compensation, drawing links and parallels to, for example, the rise of underworld and prostitution. The research will highlight, in its findings, insights noteworthy in policymaking efforts at peace and development of the country.
References
― Mayer, M, (2000) Life Opportunities and Youth Conflict in Sri Lanka: Challenges for Regional Development Planning in Sri Lanka at Crossroads: Dilemmas and Prospects after 50 years of Independence, Ed, Hettige S T & Mayer M, India: MacMillan
― Tambiah, Yasmin, (2005) Turncoat Bodies: Sexuality and Sex Work under Militarization in Sri Lanka, Gender & Society, Vol. 19, No. 2, 243-261 (2005) Sociologists for Women in Society
― Kadirgamar, Ahilan (August 2003) Militarization or Democratization in Lines, Social Scientists Association, Sri Lanka: lines publications
― Orjuela, Camilla (2004: 16) Civil Society in Civil War: Peace Work and Identity Politics in Sri Lanka, PhD Dissertation, Göteborg University
― Pararajasingham, Ana, The Militarization of Sri Lanka –Causes and Consequences, Paper presented at the conference of the Asia-Pacific Anti-Militarization Forum on 28th March - 1st April 1997, Brunswick Town Hall, Australia
― Gamburd, R M, (2004:156) The Economics of Enlisting: A Village View of the Armed Services In Economy, Culture and Civil War in Sri Lanka, Ed. Winslow, D & Weber, MD, Bloomington & Indianapolis, Indian University Press
― www.12daysoptout.blogspot.com
― www.bbc.co.uk
― www.undp.org
Word Count: 1370 (excluding Reference)
Draft 27/11/2006
[1] www.12daysoptout.blogspot.com site managed by National Network Opposing Militarization of Youth - a network of grassroots activists and national organizations working to counter military recruiting myths, offer peaceful, positive options for young adults, and resisting a possible future military draft in US
[2] Orjuela, Camilla (2004: 16) Civil Society in Civil War: Peace Work and Identity Politics in Sri Lanka, PhD Dissertation, Göteborg University
[3] A sentiment often expressed in casual conversations with neighbours and friends, August 2006 to present, should be viewed in the context of heightened confronts between LTTE and Sri Lanka Forces.
[4] Edirisinghe, Sunil (1980s), Ran Malak Lesa - a popular Sinhala song inciting martial glory and nationalism repeated almost daily on radio and television during wartime.
[5] Triad Advertising, (2006, press, radio & television campaign) Sri Lanka Forces: Together for All
[6] Yoshitha Rajapksa at Navy Recruitment Picture by Sudath Silva Sunday Observer, November 26, 2006, Vol 90 No 50, p 1: Accompanying Headline: Change in Military Strategy Pays Dividends by Lionel Yodhasinghe
[7] BBC/ UNDP
[8] Pararajasingham, Ana, The Militarization of Sri Lanka –Causes and Consequences, Paper presented at the conference of the Asia-Pacific Anti-Militarization Forum on 28th March - 1st April 1997, Brunswick Town Hall, Australia
[9] Gamburd, R M, (2004:156) The Economics of Enlisting: A Village View of the Armed Services In Economy, Culture and Civil War in Sri Lanka, Ed. Winslow, D & Weber, MD, Bloomington & Indianapolis, Indian University Press
[10] Mayer, M, (2000: 156) Life Opportunities and Youth Conflict in Sri Lanka: Challenges for Regional Development Planning in Sri Lanka at Crossroads: Dilemmas and Prospects after 50 years of Independence, Ed, Hettige S T & Mayer M, India: MacMillan
[11] Tambiah, Yasmin, (2005) Turncoat Bodies: Sexuality and Sex Work under Militarization in Sri Lanka, Gender & Society, Vol. 19, No. 2, 243-261 (2005) Sociologists for Women in Society
Department of Political Science
Lund University
Sweden
Abstract
Post-colonial Sri Lanka is defined by cyclical spurts of racial bloodshed, brutally crushed youth rebellions and a protracted war stymieing many attempts at peace. The increased militarization of public space not only hints at the gradual expansion of the military in terms of numbers but also its ascendance to political legitimacy and public adulation in Southern Sri Lanka. In the North the LTTE projects itself, not merely as a bunch of guerrillas but as a disciplined national army fighting occupying enemy forces (India included). The LTTE and the Government benefit from prevalent socio-economic structures of poverty and marginalization to draw youth into their ranks, in turn, unleashing a pervasive culture of violence perpetuating the war, which negates the development discourse and its bids at poverty alleviation. This paper ventures to analyse the precarious implications of the increased militarization of youth and national imagination. The paper underlines the matrix of poverty, political violence and militarization in terms of their effect on gendered and ethicized local identities, as well as culture and development from an interpretative approach.
Key Words: Militarization, Youth, Culture, Violence, Identity, Ethnicity, Development, Poverty, Gender, Sri Lanka
Background
Militarization of public space and imagination is not a Sri Lankan anomaly. It is a global trend among the perpetually threatened nation-states, wrought with the insecurity of modern age. Increasingly, the Military is identified as an integral part of the state, its strength a reason of national pride: the neat lines of a platoon at attention are as potent a symbol as a national flag drawing much reverence to its stripes and stars. Unfortunately (and inevitably) it has been the instrument of brutality and carnage, apparently serving humanity much less than propagating political greed and power-play. The U.S. Department of Defence is the largest polluter in the world, producing more hazardous waste than the five largest U.S. chemical companies combined[1] - a hint that the impacts of militarization are not merely socio-economic.
In South Asia, this global phenomenon is complemented with the memory of colonial exploitation, communalism and the creation of new nations craving self-assertion. In Sri Lanka, the model of parliamentary democracy – too simplistic for a population of ethnic diversity - concentrated power in the hands of a postcolonial elite who perpetuated the colonial stratagem of divide and rule to gain advantage of electoral politics. The growing tensions since independence have shaped the trajectory and image of its military forces – it has been ruthless in crushing two JVP resurrections in 1971 and 1988 and a number of communal riots culminating in civil war: Since 1983, official figures for loss of human lives range from 60, 000 to 70,000 of which about 30, 000 are considered to be civilians. Scholarly work point out that ‘[a] conflict over power and resources has resulted in a deep social divide, [where] ethno-mobilization plays a central role and civilians are increasingly the perpetrators and the victims of violence’[2].
During the course of two decades’ war, the soldier has become the common man’s hero, especially cast against the popular notion of ‘pilfering political leaders’ held responsible by the public for the country’s present circumstances[3]. A soldier seems devoid of dark ulterior motives. He, or at least his public image, resonates with courage, honesty and discipline. A popular song celebrates his ‘watchfulness over the nation while it sleeps’ and compares him to a ‘guardian deity’[4] while media channels air a prominent advertising campaign for a recruitment drive[5] of Sri Lanka Forces for free. Local communities display banners and slogans of solidarity with the forces in the battlefront and religious ceremonies are conducted to bless the forces. More recently, the Kotalawela Defence Academy was granted the status of a national university. The news of President Rajapaksa’s son joining the Navy made cover photographs[6].
At a national level, the defence budget has increased steadily over the years, consuming up to a 5% of GDP as against 1.8% committed to health and sanitation[7]. Pararajasingham speculates that the Government’s military expenditure was US $74 million in 1983. In 1996 it was well over US $842 million ¾ an eleven fold increase! Not surprisingly, this exponential growth in the military expenditure is accompanied by a growth in the size of its armed forces. The combined armed forces (army, navy and air force) of the Sri Lankan Government which stood at 15,000 in 1983 now stand at well over 106,000 - a seven fold increase[8]. Gamburd draws figures from 2000, estimating the LTTE cadres to range from 2000 – 10, 000. Estimates of men and women in the government forces and police totalled 225,000, with about 75,000 in the army, 25,000 each in the navy and air force, and another 100,000 in the police[9].
Research Area
Mayer notes that over the past three decades Sri Lankan youth have become the main force behind social unrest and violent insurgencies in the country[10]. With JVP’s entry into democratic politics in the South and LTTE’s remain as youth militant group in the North, the state has found convenient justifications in military counter insurgency and a modus operendi to growing unemployment among rural youth. Dissatisfaction and the frustration of the youth, especially educated rural youth, are already recognized as one of the major threats to the political stability in Sir Lanka. Even international agencies have identified youth as the most critical poverty group. In a spirited essay, Militarization or Democratization, Kadirgamar raises an interesting rhetoric:
The record of the State’s militarized institutions (armed forces, police and prisons) not only in terms of their brutality against the ethnic minorities, but also in how they dealt with Sinhala youth and dissent is a testament to the grave dangers posed to a society by any military. To support any army of a state that invades, colonizes and brutalizes a different people, though that is what most armies do, is to invite fire into ones own house. Here, I am not sure that those calling for militarization in the South have learned the lesson even after two rounds of horrifying repression. Now, I would like to turn to the more difficult question of Tamil militancy, national liberation struggles, insurrections and militarization… As an ethnic politico-military organization ruthlessly committed to its version of a national liberation struggle, [LTTE] has taken the peoples hostage through its path of militarization. This extreme militarization will not stop short of regimenting society. This is the second aspect of militarization, it leads to the control, ordering and disciplining of the people’s social and political life in a military fashion, or what I would like to call regimentation. (Kadirgamar, 2003)
The thesis hopes to explore this phenomenon of growing militarization of youth, its causes and consequences as well as its links to the rise of a culture of violence. It will also consider the implications of gender: Militarization entrenches gender performances and heteronormative schemes while enabling women to transgress these—whether as combatants or as sex workers. Tambiah notes that in Sri Lanka’s armed conflict, gender, sexuality, and sex work are intermeshed with militarized nationalism[11].
Methodology
The thesis plans to build on a critical interpretative study from an interdisciplinary perspective. It plans to generate new knowledge through qualitative interviews, supplemented by observations and text analysis. Sri Lanka has been chosen as a case study both because it is an interesting case in its own right and because it represents a larger global pattern.
Significance of Research
Although scholars and journalists have written extensively about Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict, most have focused on constitutional issues such as the devolution of power, humanitarian issues such as human rights and refugees, and identity-related issues of ethnicity and nationalism. Very few have contextualized the civil strife vis-à-vis the JVP struggle, paying little attention to the youth focus transcending ethnic lines. This research hopes to shed light upon this particular group – caught in militancy and militarization – and how they make life choices in a culture of intensifying violence and poverty. It will explore the mesh of militarization and its accompanying problems of death, desertion, compensation, drawing links and parallels to, for example, the rise of underworld and prostitution. The research will highlight, in its findings, insights noteworthy in policymaking efforts at peace and development of the country.
References
― Mayer, M, (2000) Life Opportunities and Youth Conflict in Sri Lanka: Challenges for Regional Development Planning in Sri Lanka at Crossroads: Dilemmas and Prospects after 50 years of Independence, Ed, Hettige S T & Mayer M, India: MacMillan
― Tambiah, Yasmin, (2005) Turncoat Bodies: Sexuality and Sex Work under Militarization in Sri Lanka, Gender & Society, Vol. 19, No. 2, 243-261 (2005) Sociologists for Women in Society
― Kadirgamar, Ahilan (August 2003) Militarization or Democratization in Lines, Social Scientists Association, Sri Lanka: lines publications
― Orjuela, Camilla (2004: 16) Civil Society in Civil War: Peace Work and Identity Politics in Sri Lanka, PhD Dissertation, Göteborg University
― Pararajasingham, Ana, The Militarization of Sri Lanka –Causes and Consequences, Paper presented at the conference of the Asia-Pacific Anti-Militarization Forum on 28th March - 1st April 1997, Brunswick Town Hall, Australia
― Gamburd, R M, (2004:156) The Economics of Enlisting: A Village View of the Armed Services In Economy, Culture and Civil War in Sri Lanka, Ed. Winslow, D & Weber, MD, Bloomington & Indianapolis, Indian University Press
― www.12daysoptout.blogspot.com
― www.bbc.co.uk
― www.undp.org
Word Count: 1370 (excluding Reference)
Draft 27/11/2006
[1] www.12daysoptout.blogspot.com site managed by National Network Opposing Militarization of Youth - a network of grassroots activists and national organizations working to counter military recruiting myths, offer peaceful, positive options for young adults, and resisting a possible future military draft in US
[2] Orjuela, Camilla (2004: 16) Civil Society in Civil War: Peace Work and Identity Politics in Sri Lanka, PhD Dissertation, Göteborg University
[3] A sentiment often expressed in casual conversations with neighbours and friends, August 2006 to present, should be viewed in the context of heightened confronts between LTTE and Sri Lanka Forces.
[4] Edirisinghe, Sunil (1980s), Ran Malak Lesa - a popular Sinhala song inciting martial glory and nationalism repeated almost daily on radio and television during wartime.
[5] Triad Advertising, (2006, press, radio & television campaign) Sri Lanka Forces: Together for All
[6] Yoshitha Rajapksa at Navy Recruitment Picture by Sudath Silva Sunday Observer, November 26, 2006, Vol 90 No 50, p 1: Accompanying Headline: Change in Military Strategy Pays Dividends by Lionel Yodhasinghe
[7] BBC/ UNDP
[8] Pararajasingham, Ana, The Militarization of Sri Lanka –Causes and Consequences, Paper presented at the conference of the Asia-Pacific Anti-Militarization Forum on 28th March - 1st April 1997, Brunswick Town Hall, Australia
[9] Gamburd, R M, (2004:156) The Economics of Enlisting: A Village View of the Armed Services In Economy, Culture and Civil War in Sri Lanka, Ed. Winslow, D & Weber, MD, Bloomington & Indianapolis, Indian University Press
[10] Mayer, M, (2000: 156) Life Opportunities and Youth Conflict in Sri Lanka: Challenges for Regional Development Planning in Sri Lanka at Crossroads: Dilemmas and Prospects after 50 years of Independence, Ed, Hettige S T & Mayer M, India: MacMillan
[11] Tambiah, Yasmin, (2005) Turncoat Bodies: Sexuality and Sex Work under Militarization in Sri Lanka, Gender & Society, Vol. 19, No. 2, 243-261 (2005) Sociologists for Women in Society
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